Since the late 1960s if not earlier, tens of thousands of people in India have been engaging in direct action with the objective of forming liberated zones free of capitalist and semi-feudal exploitation, and eventually of overthrowing the present Indian government entirely. The action has been most concentrated in rural areas in the North and East of the country. Prominent in a leadership role have been Maoist parties such as the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) in the 1970s, the Maoist Communist Centre (MCC) and Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Peoples' War (`People's War Group' – PWG) after that, and more recently the Communist Party of India (Maoist) which formed from the merger of the PWG and the MCC's successor in 2004.

The struggle is intimately connected to the plight of the rural lower-caste and indigenous peoples, who occupy the bottom rung of the economic ladder, and in addition are experiencing an ongoing process of eviction from their customary lands to make way for mining, forestry, hydro-electric, and other industrial enterprises. As has so often been the case with displaced peoples around the world, they receive inadequate, if any, compensation for the loss of their homes, farms, and hunting and foraging grounds.

In addition to the armed engagements with the security forces, paramilitaries, and thug gangs of the Indian state and the local oligarchs – which are covered by the mainstream/malestream media with enthusiasm if little accuracy or objectivity – the direct action has comprised the provision of education and health and medical services to the local people, as well as, in the places where the Maoists are strong, administration and the raising of funds from local businesses – the latter practice being characterised by the government as `extortion' and by the insurrectional Maoists as `taxation'.

An early major episode in the struggle was the Naxalite uprising in (April-July 1969), in which people in 2,000 villages around Naxalbari, in the State of West Bengal formed a liberated zone in which landlords were expropriated and government forces excluded.


One of the main bases of suppport for the direct action is the Adivasi people, a `tribal' or indigenous people of India. The Adivasi number about 84 million and live mainly in the forested and mountainous parts of Southern, Central, and Eastern India. According to Kamal Kumar (2013) `They are subsistence farmers, and many live in extreme poverty, with a lack of basic services.' In many Adivasi areas the government does not provide roads, healthcare, education, drinking water, or effective administration.

A visit to any of these villages in the "Red Corridor" contradicts India's narrative of economic growth. Basic healthcare, education and housing facilities are very limited. Yet many are filled with advanced, sophisticated engineering equipment for mining and industrial development. – Kamal Kumar (2013)


The Indian constitution has provisions protecting tribal rights, but in practice the Adivasi have had difficulty in asserting theirs. The constitution gives village governments, the Gram Sabha, the right to reject expropriations of land, but villagers living in places slated for expropriation, so-called `scheduled areas', complain of intimidation by corporations' private security forces and sometimes even the government's own security, according to Kumar. `They say they are threatened with violence, and told they must obey orders to give up their land. Many have been prosecuted and imprisoned for asserting their rights' (Kamal Kumar 2013). In addition, some have still not been compensated, after 50 years, for land taken by the government for industrial growth in the period after India's 1947 independence from Britain.

Liberated areas

In parts of Adivasi territory, there are `liberated areas' where the Maoists have been able to keep the corporations, local oligarchs, and Indian state at bay. In these areas, the Maoists undertake community projects to provide basic services that in many cases have never been provided by India. Kamal Kumar visited one such area, Tholkobad village in Jharkand state in 2010, and wrote that `under the name of the "agrarian revolution", the Maoists were providing support to the villagers to improve farming methods. One village leader told Al Jazeera that the Maoists frequently visited their villages, and treated everyone equally.' (Kamal Kumar 2013)


`Dalit', meaning crushed or oppressed, designates those at the bottom of the caste hierarchy in India, traditionally regarded as `untouchable'. There are 166 million Dalits in India, comprising 16.2 percent of the population; they are broadly distributed throughout the country. Discrimnation against Dalits has decreased greatly in recent decades in urban areas, but in rural areas they are still quite oppressed. Most rural Dalits are landless agricultural labourers. Along with the Adivasi, they are the major support base for the direct action and the Maoist parties.[1]

Police methods

There are mountains of evidence of abuse and illegal acts by the Indian police against people taking part in, supporting, or even neutral towards, the direct action. Himanshu Kumar, of Dantewada district, Chhattisgarh state, says that `Police force tribals to become informers and when they refuse, they are framed under false Naxal charges and tortured in jails.' (Kamal Kumar 2013).

A principal leader of the 1969 Naxalite uprising, Charu Mazumdar, arrested in July 1972 in Calcutta, was murdered by the police while in their custody on the night of the 27th-28th that month.

On February 2, 2010, Swapan Dasgupta, the 60 year old editor of the Bengali version of the Maoist People's March magazine, died in his fourth month of police custody, after having been denied necessary medicines and medical care. This was in spite of public complaints made three weeks before by eleven democratic and civil-rights groups that the refusal to allow him treatment was unlawful. Among the charges holding Dasgupta was that People's March was a banned publication; however the magazine had been un-banned on August 7th, 2009, two months before his arrest. The publisher Sadananda Singha was also arrested October 7, 2009 on a charge of producing the banned (but not really banned) magazine.[2]

`Over the period 1997 to 2007, the Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee has recorded roughly 1,800 "encounter" killings by the police. It is crucial to note that the vast majority of the victims of these extra-judicial killings are Dalits and tribals, many of them with no direct connection to the Naxalites.'[3]


Joseph Flavian Gomez quotes Banerjee and Iyer (2005) as writing that the peasant movements in West Bengal, Bihar, and Andhra Pradesh all `have their roots in the history of exploitation and oppression of peasants by landlords.'[4] Bela Bhatia (2005) says there are three motivations behind the direct actions: (1) Economic rights (2) Social rights (3) Political rights. In more detail, some of the issues are:[5]

  • land issues:
    • displacement
    • forced evictions (eg., evictions of sharecroppers[6]).
    • ownership
  • housing
  • livelihood
  • minimum wages
  • common property resources
  • social oppression
  • bad governance
  • bad policing

Megha Bahree (2010) writes: `There is a proxy war underway in India's interior – a bloody conflict raging over that rare and valuable commodity in this too crowded country: land. On one side, powerful rebel groups claim to be fighting for the poor-farmers and small agrarian tribes in particular. On the other side, the government is locking up land and the resources buried beneath it (particulary coual and bauxite) for some of India's biggest private companies.' Sundar (2008) writes: `People are fighting against land acquisitions and the government is labelling them Naxals and using that to suppress them.'

But the Government of India (2008) points to social oppression, not land, as the main cause: `The fight against the social oppression that the Dalits [lower castes] and the lower among the OBCs [other backward castes] have regularly been subjected to is perhaps the most significant among the issues used by [sic.] the Naxalite movement.'


There have been many direct actions and rebellions by exploited peoples in India.

Telangana, 1946-1951

Telengana rebellion district

In July 1946, an uprising began in the Telangana region of Hyderbad state. It lasted five years and eventually covered most of the state. Grievances were the terrible poverty and working conditions of the peasants, and religious inequality. A forced-pabour system called vetti-chakiri was in place, whereby each peasant family had to send one member to work for the feudal lord without payment. Many peasants were also hopelessly indebted to the lords. The religious situation was that a Moslem ruling class, comprising about 12 percent of the population, ruled the Hindu majority. Sparked by the murder of a politically activer worker, and guided by the Communist Party, with a slogan of `land to the tiller', the uprising eventually put 41,000 squre kilometers of territory under peasant rule, with the districts of Nalgonda, Warangal, and Khammam under Communist government. Women joined the revolt in large numbers[7] Landlords were driven away, and land redistribution was carried out in 3,000 villages, thousands of hectares being given to poor peasants. Evictions were stopped and vetti-chakiri abolished.

`The significance of this historic campaign is that it lasted for about five years and land was redistributed among the landless; evictions stopped and vetti-chakiri abolished. The plunder, exploitation and exorbitant rates of usury were either drastically cut down or banned altogether. The daily wages of agricultural labourers were increased and a minimum wage was enforced.' – Amarnath M, India Today, Dec. 20, 2007

As a result of these events, the Communist Party was banned in India. The uprising died when the Communist Party called off the armed struggle in 1951 in order to allow the Party to regain legal status. The Communist Party of India became an important electoral force in Hyderbad and Andhra states, but a great opportunity was lost to continue the development of a people's state with much lower-than-usual levels of repression, exploitation, and prejudice. During the uprising, about 4,000 peasants were killed fighting the feudal and Indian state forces.[8]

Naxalbari, 1967

The present direct actions in India are sometimes called `Naxalite', after a famous episode that began in Naxalbari, West Bengal, in March 1967. After a tribal youth, who had just won a legal fight to allow him to work a piece of land, was attacked by `local landlords and their goons'[9], the peasants in the area retaliated and began to seize aristocrat land. The peasants had been coming under increasing economic pressure, and there was also a type of forced labour here called begar, in which peasants had to perform chores for landlords for free. Besides this, peasants typically had to turn over one-half to two-thirds of their crop to their landlords as rent (RCP-USA 1997). Within weeks, 2,000 villages were under peasant control. Between fifteen- and twenty thousand peasants become Maoist activists. A peasant's committee was formed in each village. Debts were cancelled, land titles burnt, and land redistributed to the tillers. The rising was physically suppressed by Indian government forces in July 1967, but it inspired, all over the country, unrest and political ferment which is sometimes seen as having flowed continuously into the people's movement of today.

Srikakulum 1967-1970

Since the late 1950s, two school teachers, Venpatapu Sathnayarayana and Abidhatla Kailasam, had been leading Adivasi in this hilly, forested part of North-Eastern Andhra Pradesh in land occupations and other actions. Inspired by Naxalbari, the peasants and tribespeople broke into open revolt in October 1967, after two of their activists were gunned down by landlord vigilantes. The local police were paralyzed for six mionths while landlords' land, property, and grain stores were confiscated by the masses. The movement was supressed for several months beginning in March 1968, by massive police reinforcements from outside; but in November 1968, reorganised, the rebels again began to discipline landlords and successfully engage with the police, a force of 200 of which were routed in a surprise attack on December 20th at Balleruguda. The final battle began in October 1969, after the government sent in 12,000 CRPF. Although the guerrilla resisted strongly, this additional force was too much for them and they were suppressed by mid-1970.[10]

In the early 1970s, there were other Naxalbari-inspired actions throughout India, not only in rural areas but in urban areas and among students as well. They met with heavy state opposition:

  • `On one estimate, by March 1973 there were some 17,787 Naxalite prisoners in West Bengal alone.[11]
  • According to Amnesty International, 32,000 Maoist political activists were in jail in India in 1972. Between March 1970 and August 1971, 1788 young boys were killed in Kolkata alone.[12]

After the difficult years of the early 1970s and Indira Ghandi's 1975-1977 `Emergency', the movement began to pick up steam again in the late 1970s. In 1978 in Andhra Pradesh, `Strikes of agricultural labourers spread from village to village. Landlords were physically brought to public gatherings and asked to confess their crimes and apologise for their oppressive behavior and pay back the illegal extortions. The peasants moved in big rallies, with red flags and occupied waste lands and government lands under landlord occupation. Also the strike movement, of labourers at beedi leaf collection centres in many taluqs of Karimnagar and Adilabad, gained momentum.'[13]

Jagityal 1978

On September 7, 1978, 35,000 people marched to a rally and meeting at Jagityal town in Andhra Pradesh. Some landlords fled to the cities, but other landlords and police responded with an offensive, raiding 150 villages. It is alleged that police indulged in mass beatings and tortured hundreds of people held in jail without charges. Eight hundred were held on charges. On October 20, 1978, the Andhra Pradesh government declared Sircilla and Jagityal `Disturbed Areas', giving police draconian powers.[14]

There has been an assortment of `legal and semi-legal' Maoist student unions in Indian universities from the 1970s to the present (2014).[15]

`While the conflict as a whole has been termed as a Maoist/Naxalite conflict, the movement itself is hardly homogenous. It has in fact, always had a fragmented structure with multiple groups operating without a centralized Movement organization. Different issues like common properety resources, better wages and housing, protection of land ownership etc, have also been taken up on a timely basis in different places.' (Joseph Flavian Gomez 2011:7)

Types of action

While the procapitalist media tends to focus on the violent parts of the direct action – which is dramatic and tends to cast the rebels as a`problem' – the movement is fundamentally about freeing the common peple from systemic violence; and even in the short term, even while hunted by the police and military, the movement takes many nonviolent forms.

Maoist gathering in rural India, about 2004.

Bhatia (2005) writes that common forms of nonviolent action by the movement include `sabha (meeting), bandha (closure), aarthik nakebandi (economic boycott), samajik bahishkar (social boycott), jan addalat (people's court), dharnas (e.g., the 14-day dharna organised by Liberation in Ara against Ranbeer Sena in 1995), gheraos (e.g., the famous gherao of the state assembly after the Arwal massacre in 1986), rallies (including silent marches, torch processions, and more), chakkajaam (road blocks), putla dahan (effigy burning), and of course strikes. Even hunger strikes have featured in the rainbow af agitations .... Cultural media (sanskritik madhyam) such as songs and plays have an important role in mobilisation, especially since a large majority of the people in central Bihar are illiterate. Often the songs are made by people themselves and convey their existing reality with great poignancy.'[16]

An article in states that, `Based on collectivist traditions self-sustained development is undertaken: common work for irrigation, ecologically adapted agrarian techniques, small craft, education, health care, people’s judiciary.'

Concerning a technique called the bandh, or general strike. A World to Win (2004-30) states that the MCCI organized many bandhs in Jharkand state between 2001 and 200 . `These bandhs can bring "business as usual" to a grinding halt, even stopping the Indian state's strategic rail lines that pass through Jharkhand on the way between Delhi and Calcutta. On occasions, many thousands of peasants are mobilised to travel to Calcutta or other cities to demonstrate in favour of the revolutionary cause.'

The following excerpt from A World to Win describes a bandh that occurred in protest against some harsh sentences that had been put on captured revolutionaries:

A number of members of the Krantikari Kisan Committee (Revolutionary Peasants Committee), which had led an uprising earlier in the 1990s that had seen the militant involvement of hundreds of thousands of poor and middle peasants, were tracked down and caught. A special court in Gaya sentenced a number of them to life imprisonment and gave four the death penalty. The MCC called a 72-hour bandh in Bihar and Jharkhand in protest against this unjust verdict. There was massive support. A staff reporter of the revolutionary Indian quarterly Resistance Call in Ranchi reported that, "Schools, colleges, courts, offices, shops and markets mostly remained closed. The movement of vehicles ceased in most places. All train services in the main, chord and branch railway lines came to a standstill. Thousands of people went for a sit-down on the railway track and gave vent to their voice of protest against the verdicts. The success of the bandh was total in 18 districts and 80 per cent in the other four. Business in Bihar came to a halt. The area all around seemed to have been placed under curfew&. During the three-day long bandh, the Maoists in their active protestations organized revolutionary raids with success against the police and administration at Lohardaga, Gumla and elsewhere."[17]

The following passage describes a `Robin Hood'-type action by the Maoists:

In one case, for example, in August 2001, an armed squad under the leadership of the MCC led 1,200 people to march out at half past nine at night to the main Grand Trunk road near Kulgo village in the Hazarbagh district. There they stopped a truckload of grain and distributed half the large sacks of pulses to the masses before they were forced to retreat by the arrival of police reinforcements. Emboldened by their success, the next night an even larger group, 8,000 strong, halted five trucks on the Grand Trunk road near Titlamore village in nearby Giridih district. The slogans raised were "confiscate the money lenders' goods to distribute amongst the poor", "establish the authority of the revolutionary peasant committee" and "protect the people from starvation". Banners and posters flew over the heads of the thousands of peasants. Before the goods were distributed, thirty jeep-loads of police arrived at the scene. Fierce fighting broke out, but the revolutionaries had prepared by laying mines. The police responded with grenades, followed by an intense exchange of gunfire. The police retreated, then returned in stronger numbers and attacked again. But the MCC guerrillas once again resisted their attack, boosting immensely their confidence and that of the peasants.[18]

The social boycott became popular in the late 1970s in Andhra Pradesh. The method is described in the book, 30 Years of Naxalbari: `When it was decided to socially boycott a landlord, the entire village decided to stop any interaction and service to him - he was deprived of his servants in the house, cattle feeders, agricultural labour, washermen, barbers etc. Later, this form of struggle was also used against police officials camping in the village.'[19]

An example of economic blockade was the three-day economic blockade of the states of Bihar and Jarkand in 2001 or 2002 implemented jointly by the PW and the MCCI in protest against POTA.[20]

`One of the major services that Maoist cadres provide is to offer protection for villagers from confiscation of assets by moneylenders .' (Kishore Gawande, Devesh Kapur, and Shanker Satyanath 2012)


There have been a number of literary and theatre groups in India that have been sympathetic to the rebels.

The Hyderbad-based Digambara (naked) poets of 1965, including K.V. Ramana Reddy, Cherabanda Raju, Varavara Rao, C. Vijayalaxmi, and C.V. Krishna Rao, exposed social evils, corruption, exploitation, political bankruptcy, meaningless middle-class existence, and commercialisation of literature. An anthology, called Rathiri (night), of 15 of these poets, `was like a flash of light in the darkness'.[21] The incisive poems of Cherabanda Raju and Varavara Rao have been translated in nearly all languages.

In 1970, three groups of poets, the Digambara, the Warangal-based Thirugubatu (revolt) poets, and the Guntur-based Pygambara poets, along with leading literary figures such as Sri Sri, merged to form VIRASAM – the Viplava Rachayithala Sangham, or Revolutionary Writers Association (RWA). Even in this difficult political period, the inspiring poems, short stories, and novels of these writers continued to attract thousands of youth toward the politics of Naxalbari. `Not only were the writers politically uncompromising, they were artistically brilliant.'[22] The group also initiated the formation of the All India League for Revolutionary Culture (AILRC) in 1983. The AILRC brings out a regular quarterly cultural magazine in Hindi entitled ‘Amukh’.

Another group from Hyderbad, the Jana Natya Mandali (JNM) gave 300 performances of song, dance, and plays in 1978, which propagated revolutionary ideas and drew the masses toward revolutionary politics. Its troupes became illegal in 1984.[23]


As one might expect, the cops and the Maoists frequently attack and kill each other. More controversial are their assaults on third parties. There are many reports of atrocities by the state and landlord forces.[24] Official confirmation of these is of course rare. Yet the Salwa Judum, a notorious paramilitary of the landlords,[25] was forced to disband by the Supreme Court of India because of its lawless activities. As for the other side, the Maoists deny that they ever intentionally harm innocent civilians. However, it is reported that they often go after those who have collaborated with the government/landlord forces, especially those who pass them information about the Maoists. (The Maoists, of course, may not regard such people as `innocent'.) The situation is exacerbated by the fact that the people are poor, and the government offers rewards for information.[26]

The following passage describes the approach of the Andhra Pradesh government to the direct action in the 1980s and afterward:

`The upshot was heavy repression on the Naxalite movement, in particular the rural poor who were part of the movement or its social base. Extremes of torture and incarceration in unlawful police custody, destruction of houses and despoliation of drinking water wells and fields, framing of severe criminal cases en masse were the norm.


`Sizeable paramilitary forces were sent to the state in the mid-1990s but the terror they created was such that they were soon sent back. Not, however, before they had a taste of the Naxalites' newly acquired proficiency in blowing up police vehicles at will.

`Almost from the mid-1980s brutal special police forces meant for eliminating Naxalites came into being and were allowed to operate totally incognito, the most successful being the greyhounds, which is a well trained anti-guerrilla force that lives and operates as the Naxalites' armed squads do and is bound by no known law, including the Constitution of India.'[27]

At a solidarity meeting in London, England for the Adivasi, the Indian author Arunhati Roy made the following comment to ``The Guardian newspaper about the use of violence by the revolutionists:

"I don't condemn it any more. If you're an adivasi living in a forest village and 800 CRP [Central Reserve Police] come and surround your village and start burning it, what are you supposed to do? Are you supposed to go on hunger strike? Can the hungry go on a hunger strike? Non-violence is a piece of theatre. You need an audience. What can you do when you have no audience? People have the right to resist annihilation."[28]

Other works

  • Abhijit Banerjee and Laxmi Iyer, 2005. `History, Institutions and Economic Performance: The Legacy of Colonial Land Tenure Systems in India'. American Economic Review, 2005.
  • Amarnath K Menon, 2007. `The Red Revolt', India Today, December 20, 2007.
  •, ca. 2010. `Stop Operation Green Hunt'. Antiimperialista
  •, India directory. bannedthought   Lots of Maoist or Naxalite material.
  • Bela Bhatia, 2005. `The Naxalite movement in central Bihar.' Economic and Political Weekly, 40 (15) April 9-15, 2005. Available free on internet.
  • Jairus Banaji. `The ironies of Indian Maoism', International Socialism
  • Jean-Thomas Martelli, around 2013. `In the Maoist Incubator: A Pre-Fieldwork Review of Radical Youth Activism in Indian Campuses.
  • Joseph Flavian Gomez, 2011. `The Political Economy of the Maoist Conflict in India: An Empirical Analysis' (preliminary draft, March 2011).
  • Government of India, 2008. `Development challenges in extremist affected areas'. Available free on internet. Report of an Expert Group to the Planning Commission, 2008.
  • Kamal Kumar, 2013. `The Adivasi tribal people are caught in a spiral of violence between security forces and rebels', Al Jazeera, 24 August 2013.
  • Kishore Gawande, Devesh Kapur, and Shanker Satyanath, 2012. `Renewable Resource Shocks and Conflict in India's Maoist Belt'.
  • . "Maoist-Influenced Revolutionary Organizations in India" (List and description).
  • Megha Bahree, 2010. `The forever war: Inside India's Maoist conflict.' World Policy Journal, Summer 2010 27.2:83-89. Available free on internet.
  • New Vistas Publications. Marxist. List of free publications, scanned, OCR'd.
  • Oliver Vanden Eynde, 2011. `Targets of Violence: Evidence from India's Naxalite Conflict' For the general reader, Section 3, `Background', is the part of interest.
  • People's March Independent Indian newspaper sympathetic to Maoist activists. Calls itself the `Voice of the Indian Revolution'. Banned in 2007. Ban lifted in 2009 after protests and court battle. Reportedly still dangerous to posess in India. Archived at . Index of all issues from Jan 2006 to Jan-March 2012,
  • Rajat Kujur 2008. `Naxal movement in India: A profile.' Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, New Delhi, India.
  • Tusha Mittal, 2011. `Are we the enemy you fear?' ``Tehelka', April 16, 2011. Photographs by Tarun Sehrawat.
  • Revolutionaly Communist Party (USA)
    • 1997. `30 Years Since Spring Thunder: The Naxalite Uprising in India', Revolutionary Worker #922, September 7, 1997.
  • Shobita Naithani, 2008. `The War Against "Sympathy"', Tehelka magazine, v. 5, issue 11. March 22, 2008. , also archived at People's March
  • A World to Win (Magazine associated with the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement) Back issues index
    • `London meeting to oppose India's Operation Green Hunt', A World to Win News Service, July 4, 2011 Archived at
    • `MCC India: Three Decades Leading Battalions of the Poor', A World to Win 2004 - 30.
  • Thakor, 2006 `Legacy and History of Indian Maoism – A Tribute to Taramila Nagi Reddy and the Telangana Armed Struggle' (excerpt)


  1. Jairus Banaji, p 131; Wikipedia, `Dalit'.
  2. `After lift of ban on Maoist ‘mouthpiece’, editor, publisher held, in jail' Express India, Archived at
    Swapan Dasgupta obituary in People's March Archived at
  3. Jairus Banaji, p 142. He cites ``Economic and Political Weekly editorial, `Encounters are Murders' 44 (37), 12 September 2009, p6.
  4. Joseph Flavian Gomez, 2011, p 6.
  5. These points are based on Joseph Flavian Gomez (2011:8-9), who cites Bela Bhatia (2005) and Government of India (2008).
  6. Banaji, p 136.
  7. Amarnath Menon (2007)
  8. Amarnath M (2007), and Thakor (2006)
  9. Rajat Kujur (2007) in Joseph Flavian Gomez (2011:7).
  10. 30 Years of Naxalbari, Part 1 (New Vistas Publications).
  11. Jairus Banaji, p 137. He cites Edward Duyker, Tribal Guerrillas: The Santals of West Bengal and the Naxalite Movement (1987) p 151.
  12. Jean-Thomas Martelli p, 4/24. He cites B. Dasgupta, ``The Naxalite Movement Number 1, 1975.
  13. 30 Years of Naxalbari, Part 4 (6) `Resurgence of the Peasant Movement'.
  14. 30 Years in Naxalbari, Part 4 (6) `Resurgence of the Peasant Movement'.
  15. Jawaharlal Nehru University, Jadavpur University, and Hyderbad or Warangal University are particularly distinguished in this regard. (Jairus Banaji, `Ironies of Indian Maoism', p 4/24.)
  16. Bela Bhatia, quoted in Joseph Flavian G (2011:8).
  17. `MCC India: Three Decades Leading Battalions of the Poor', A World to Win, 2004-30. They cite: Resistance Call, Jan-April 2002, p. 13.
  18. A World to Win 2004-30, `MCC India: Three Decades Leading Battalions of the Poor'.
  19. 30 Years of Naxalbari, Part 4 (6) `Resurgence of the Peasant Movement' (New Vistas Publications).
  20. `The Communist Party of India (Maoist) – Born in India', People's March, November-December 2004
  21. 30 Years of Naxalbari, Part 4 (3) `A Cultural Resurgence'. (New Vistas Publications.)
  22. 30 Years of Naxalbari, Part 4 (3) `A Cultural Resurgence'.
  23. 30 Years of Naxalbari, Part 4 (3) `A Cultural Resurgence.
  24. Mittal (2011)
  25. `The Judum is widely acknowledged as a State-sponsored militia responsible for the forced displacement of 60,000 people and the burning of 644 villages since 2005.' (Mittal 2011)
  26. Vanden Eynde (2011: Section 3).
  27. Naxalrevolution.blogspot `Maoist Movementin Andhra Pradesh', probably from Economic and Political Weekly, July 22 2006. Posted by Abhay Naxalrevolution 17 August, 2006 naxalrevolution
  28. `London meeting to oppose India's Operation Green Hunt, A World to Win News Service, July 4, 2011.
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